2007年5月14日星期一

[转载]谈谈技术人员的最终出路

  做为技术人员,大家都觉得工资高,工作稳定,还能学到很多的东西。是大部份走出校门或性格内向,或希望过平静生活的人的必然选择。其实,你们有没有问过自己,这条路到底走对了吗?
  一个刚毕业的大学生,从事销售和从事技术两种不同的工作,可能工资的差距会达到数倍之远。对于初出校门的人来说,不无一种极端的诱惑力。刚毕业的年青人,当然会果断的选择技术之路。
  两年后,我们再看看,由于经验的积累,做业务的积累了部份客户资源,做技术的积累了好的经验,在各自的领域内都大展开了手脚,收入也基本接近了。
  再以后呢,技术之路越来越难走,毕竟做技术需要的大量的时间和精力,否则就跟不上现在时代的技术更新了,做业务的呢,客户群越来越大,经验越来越丰富,谁的收入会更高?
  两种不同的职业,它们有着各自不同的特点,技术行业是个撑不死,饱不了的地方,而销售行业则是没有尽头的发展之路。
  过了三十岁,大家会选择什么呢,结婚、生子,人生的一条老路,做技术的大多都成为了技术部门的负责人,职位不错;做销售的呢?可能还是个业务员,毕竟做大量的业务都集中在少数人手里。古往今来,财富的集中是如此的相似!但是观察两个职业成功人士的比较,是不是相差太远了?
  学到死,做到死、发不了财的技术,有什么值得人留恋的!
  到了三十岁,你还有自信面对繁重的工作吗?你有刚出社会的人的活力吗?你能和他们比工作时间,玩命地在老板面前表现吗?你能丢下妻儿出差一、两个月吗?能被小你十来岁的小孩命令来命令去吗?
  我不能。。。。。。
  有人会说,我有了技术!
  技术经验是什么?一些老的,过去了的东西,他代表着你所留恋的过去,你所放不下的那一部份,你会以经验来判别事物,选择工作方法。在新老技术交替的时间内,经验可以起到承前启后的作用,让你威风八面。可是,你还会用到多少两年以前的经验呢?
  大家所掌握的技术终会过时,脑子僵化的时候总会到来。那时,你何去何从?
  如果你的目标只是买个狗窝,摆个小烟摊,请不要再往下看了。“知足者常乐”也是一种人生的境界,我羡慕那些五台山上的和尚,我做不到!
  到处是高级住宅,我为什么只住10平的小屋?满大街跑的小车,我为什么要天天挤公交?我要为三十岁后不再挤公交车而奋斗!

  转型------技术人的必须选择!
  转型做什么呢?
  技术的优势在于什么?前些年是不是白干了?
  如何转型?
  让我们分析一下职业,什么样的工作能让我们越老越是宝。
  干部!
  不用说就是第一名,看看中央领导人就知道了嘛。
  财务
  每个老总都喜欢用年龄大点的,稳重嘛!大部份公司还要请个老头子之类的做财务总监。只拿工资不打卡。无它,做假帐的高手。我家老头子每到年底可是按天拿钱。
  教师
  好工作啊,老教授嘛,不老怎么成得了教授。娶老婆的重点发展目标。嫁嘛?就算了。
  上面所说的几个职业,技术人是很难有机会了,毕竟大多数人没有办法再转这么大个弯。
  我们的出路,只有两个方面:销售和技术型管理!
  先说说做销售。
  大家是不是有这种感觉,做销售的人天天都在说现在的客户难打交道。而你是不是感觉客户其实人很好,很容易成为朋友。这就是你的优势!
  你先前的技术基础,己经让他们很容易的接受你了。而你和他们有着很多的话题,能真正的为他们解决很多实际的问题。经常站在他们的角度为他们着想,你说出来的话能令他们信服。这样的业务人员,哪个客户不爱呢?
  做销售,最难的怎么和客户取得第一次的联系,你己经可以依靠技术突破这一点了,你还怕什么。只要心不太黑,客户永远都是你的朋友。   只要多学学心理学,好好锻炼一下自己的口材、勤减一下肥。碰几次壁、吃几次亏后你哪点不像是业务高手。
  再说技术型管理。
  你己经有了技术,有了那么多经验。只要把它们全部拿出来,做事、培训新人。你会发现别人看你的眼睛都是仰视的。其实,你不过是剥夺了他们实际动手的机会,也许还会让他们顺着你的思路,成为你延长了的手。成为你表现能力的更大的舞台。那时,一切的功劳都是你的,老板怎么会不重视你,你的职位又怎会不上升了?
  不过,这只是下乘之道。
  上乘之道在于攻心。。。。。。
  首先在于攻自己的心。
  第一步,树立起自己的目标,多少时间内,工资上涨多少、职位到什么。不管你的直属上司是老板还是谁。如果己经觉得到头了,就离开吧。寻找新的目标。不要犹豫。
  第二步,拿出自己的所有能力,展现给其它人看,尽心尽力做好每一件事情。也许,伯乐的眼睛正在这时候盯着你。
  第三步,提升自己技术和管理能力,我所指的技术能力不是要你再不停的追求最新的技术,你没有那么多时间了。应该反过头来,寻求技术的本源,掌握了他,技术再怎么发展,你只需要花一点点时间就能掌握最新的。
  对于管理能力,只要不损害老板的利益,该管的尽量去管,不该管的尽量提意见,无论对错,无论成败,对你来说,都是经验的积累。
  第四步,敢于担起责任,不管事情的结果是否会失败。一个有勇气承担失败责任的人,更会让人尊敬。而且,失败了你又会损失多少了,最大不过是走人罢了。
  其次攻他人的心
  无论是对上还是对下,都应该是有勇有谋,利用技术的理性分析能力,把握住事物的关键,“知己知彼”的结果,绝大部份都是“百战不殆”。
  对下,应该尽量地去关心他们,因难自己背;好事让点出来,名声让出来一点,反正你的名声也不少了,他们做得好,别人也会说你带得好;他们做错了,你再出马搞定,就不是一点点名声了。
  对于属下和同事,也不要保留技术,我们不是靠手艺吃饭,不是收藏古董,为什么非要等到变成垃圾了才拿出来丢人现眼呢。尽力去做吧!让大家都成为你的徒弟。你的人气自然就来了。
  总之,还有很多很多。。。。。。
  我想,最辉煌的时间总会过去的,在这个充满了金钱的社会,谁不是天平上的的砝码。同样大小的黄金,总要重过铁吧!
  在这里,我一直在想着,想着以后我应该走的路,同时也祝各位住自己的房子,开自己的车子,花自己的票子,摆自己的面子。

2007年5月11日星期五

论坛常用的页数做法

先是一个<div class="p_bar">
CSS定义:
.p_bar {margin: 1px 0px;clear: both;}
.p_bar a {float: left;padding: 1px 4px;font-size: 12px;text-decoration: none;}

然后在这个DIV里
<a href="forum-11-2.html" class="p_num">1</a>一个个列下去

CSS定义:
.p_num {background-color: #FFFFFF;border: 1px solid #DEDEB8;margin-right:1px;vertical-align: middle;}
a:hover.p_num {background-color: #F5FBFF;border: 1px solid #86B9D6;text-decoration: none;}

2007年5月9日星期三

I Have A Dream

In 1950's America, the equality of man envisioned by the Declaration of Independence was far from a reality. People of color — blacks, Hispanics, Orientals — were discriminated against in many ways, both overt and covert. The 1950's were a turbulent time in America, when racial barriers began to come down due to Supreme Court decisions, like Brown v. Board of Education; and due to an increase in the activism of blacks, fighting for equal rights.

Martin Luther King, Jr., a Baptist minister, was a driving force in the push for racial equality in the 1950's and the 1960's. In 1963, King and his staff focused on Birmingham, Alabama. They marched and protested non-violently, raising the ire of local officials who sicced water cannon and police dogs on the marchers, whose ranks included teenagers and children. The bad publicity and break-down of business forced the white leaders of Birmingham to concede to some anti-segregation demands.

Thrust into the national spotlight in Birmingham, where he was arrested and jailed, King organized a massive march on Washington, DC, on August 28, 1963. On the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, he evoked the name of Lincoln in his "I Have a Dream" speech, which is credited with mobilizing supporters of desegregation and prompted the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The next year, King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
The following is the exact text of the spoken speech, transcribed from recordings.
-------------------------------------------------
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering.

Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

The Declaration of Independence

IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America

When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. — Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil Power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefit of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & Perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred. to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these united Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States, that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. — And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

John Hancock

New Hampshire:
Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton

Massachusetts:
John Hancock, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry

Rhode Island:
Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery

Connecticut:Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott

New York:
William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris

New Jersey:Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark

Pennsylvania:
Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross

Delaware:
Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas McKean

Maryland:
Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton

Virginia:
George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton

North Carolina:
William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn

South Carolina:
Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton

Georgia:
Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton

2007年5月8日星期二

《国际歌》英语歌词

The Internationale: Original English Version
Original words by Eugene Pottier.
Original music by Pierre Degeyter.

Arise ye starvelings [or workers] from your slumbers
Arise ye criminals of want
For reason in revolt now thunders
and at last ends the age of cant.
Now away with all your superstitions
Servile masses arise, arise!
We'll change forthwith [or henceforth] the old conditions
And spurn the dust to win the prize.

CHORUS

Then come comrades rally
And the last fight let us face
The Internationale
Unites the human race. (repeat).

We peasants, artisans and others,
Enrolled amongst the sons of toil
Let's claim the earth henceforth for brothers
Drive the indolent from the soil.
On our flesh for too long has fed the raven
We've too long been the vultures prey.
But now farewell to spirit craven
The dawn brings in a brighter day.

CHORUS

No saviour from on high delivers
No trust we have in prince or peer
Our own right hand the chains must shiver
Chains of hatred, greed and fear.
Ere the thieves will out with their booty
And to all give a happier lot.
Each at his forge must do his duty
And strike the iron while its hot.

CHORUS
__________________________________



A more modern Version : The Internationale
Words: Billy Bragg
Music: Pierre Degeyter

Stand up, all victims of oppression
For the tyrants fear your might
Don't cling so hard to your possessions
For you have nothing, if you have no rights
Let racist ignorance be ended
For respect makes the empires fall
Freedom is merely privilege extended
Unless enjoyed by one and all

Chorus:
So come brothers and sisters
For the struggle carries on
The Internationale
Unites the world in song
So comrades come rally
For this is the time and place
The international ideal
Unites the human race

Let no one build walls to divide us
Walls of hatred nor walls of stone
Come greet the dawn and stand beside us
We'll live together or we'll die alone
In our world poisoned by exploitation
Those who have taken, now they must give
And end the vanity of nations
We've but one Earth on which to live

And so begins the final drama
In the streets and in the fields
We stand unbowed before their armour
We defy their guns and shields
When we fight, provoked by their aggression
Let us be inspired by like and love
For though they offer us concessions
Change will not come from above